- The management of foreign policy and external relations could well take a leaf out of the Arthashastra and use all the four devices or ‘upayas’ to achieve diplomatic objectives.
In an earlier article on the
Arthashastra,
‘artha’ was explained as one of the goals of individual human
existence. Understood in an extended universal sense, it assumes the
form of the desire for well-being in general, which can be made possible
only by the state. The state has the two-fold aim of
palana (administration) and
labha (acquisition of territory) if this well-being is to be achieved.
In the context of the second of these two aims, Kautilya’s
Arthashastra
deals with defence and external relations of the state at length.
Defence and foreign relations are intertwined; if the vijigishu, the
all-conquering king with a powerful army (as envisaged in the
Arthashastra),
wants to extend his territory and expand his influence — how should he
interact with other states? Foreign policy is summed up in the famous
‘rajamandala’ theory, which details the way to conduct relations with
each type of constituent of the ‘circle of kings’. These relations are
established and carried on with the help of envoys, and policies can be
classified into six
gunas;
sandhi (the policy of peace),
vigraha (the policy of hostility),
asana (the policy of remaining quiet),
yana (marching on an expedition),
sanshraya (seeking shelter) and
dvaidhibhava (combined policy of
sandhi and
vigraha).
Intimately connected with these are the
four means, or upayas, which can be used to make an antagonist bend to the will of the vijigishu;
saman,
dana,
danda and
bheda, translated as conciliation, gifts, dissension and force. They appear to be even more ancient than the concept of the six
gunas and more universal in their application, although there are clear similarities between them and the
gunas.
Saman is a policy of peace similar to
sandhi,
danda is
vigraha combined with
yana.
The
gunas are applicable only to foreign policy while
upayas
have a wider application and can be used to secure the submission of
anyone, be it a recalcitrant son, brother or kinsman, or a rebellious
chief, a neighbouring prince or foreign chieftain. It is mostly
bheda and, tangentially, the other three
upayas that we shall look at here, leaving other topics for a future exposition.
The
upayas are defined in Book Two.
Saman or ‘conciliation’ can be achieved in five ways,
praising merits, mention of relationships, pointing out of mutual
benefits, showing advantages and placing oneself at the other’s
disposal.
Dana consists of conferring benefits of money.
Bheda or ‘dissension’ is creating apprehension and reprimanding.
Danda or ‘force’ is killing, tormenting and seizure of property.
Each earlier one in this group is less forceful than the succeeding
ones. Conciliation is one-fold; gifts are two-fold, being preceded by
conciliation; dissension is three-fold, being preceded by conciliation
and gifts. Force is four-fold, being preceded by all the other three.
This is the natural order of using these means —
saman,
dana,
bheda and
danda. However, they can be used in many combinations — as per the situation— and against the natural order, if necessary.
Using the means singly and in different combinations yield 15 ways of
using them in the natural order and a similar number of ways of using
them against the natural order; 30 combinations in all!
They are to be used as per the situation and the targeted party —
saman could be best for enemy officers mistrusted by their king,
dana for winning over the treacherous from their sovereign,
bheda would break up confederacies most effectively while
danda should be used against a stronger enemy.
Although all the means are discussed in the text, it is
bheda
which crops up the most often, in keeping with Kautilya’s predilection
for intrigue and espionage. Sowing dissension through the spy network
and then reaping the benefits is a cheap and bloodless way of conquest,
saving the
kosh or the ‘treasury of the state’ for other uses. This
upaya is discussed mainly in Books 7, 9, 11 and 12. We shall consider all of these keeping the most detailed, Book 11, for the last.
Book Seven, which discusses the measures of foreign policy, also has a
discussion on the means of achieving these through the means or
upayas. When in conflict,
saman and
dana should be used against weak kings and
bheda and
danda against stronger kings. If the opposition consists of a confederacy of kings,
bheda is but the most natural method of breaking up this enemy confederacy.
A most interesting example of the breakup of a confederacy is found in the
Mudrarakshasa,
a historical play written by Shudraka in the fifth century CE, about
the ascension of Chandragupta Maurya to the throne of Pataliputra and
its aftermath. Faced with a confederation of five kings led by the
Paurava Malayketu, ready to march against the newly-installed
Chandragupta and reinforced by the defection of the former Prime
Minister of Magadha, Rakshasa, to its side — Chanakya uses
bheda
masterfully. Mistrust between the constituent kings is created through
misinformation, confusion and lies till the confederation breaks up.
Again, this play is also an example of
bheda used against
Rakshasa to manipulate him into joining forces with the Mauryas, and
agreeing to become Chandragupta’s Prime Minister. It is a most
entertaining example of this
upaya playing out in a real-world scenario.
Book Nine: If, as a measure of foreign policy, the vijigishu has decided to employ
yana
and march on an expedition against an antagonist, there are certain
precautions to be taken and thought to be put into it. The king has to
consider the relative strengths of power, place and time and various
dangers of conspiracy and revolt from all sides, from officers,
traitors, enemies, etc. There are dangers which bring advantages or
disadvantages or uncertainty with them and the thoroughness with which
they have been dealt with is a lesson on comprehensive defensive
thinking. This book, on the activities of a king about to march on an
expedition, discusses how to overcome these dangers using the four
upayas in different combinations, as most appropriate to the given person or situation.
As always, secret agents are a weapon to be deployed to create
dissension among conspiring elements, be they internal or external,
single or in groups. The skilful use of rumours of poisoning and
assassination, false remarks against a conspirator supposedly by a
co-conspirator, inducements to betray, gossip, sending of forged
letters, honouring one conspirator to inspire jealousy and anger in
another; all these are to be cleverly used. There is no end to the
deviousness and manipulation. The methods and combination of using
upayas mentioned above are explained clearly in this book.
Book 12: This deals with a situation where the vijigishu finds
himself attacked by a stronger king; in such a case again, the use of
three upayas —
saman,
dana and
bheda is recommended to be used.
Book 11: Sanghas, or oligarchies, were the proto-democratic republics
of ancient India. They were forces to be reckoned with not only in the
post Vedic Mahajanapada period but also in the Mauryan age. An echo of
the prestige and power attached to them lingered till the Gupta period
when Chandragupta I issued a special coin on his marriage to a princess
of the Licchhavi sangha.
According to Kautilya, the gain of a sangha as a friend is best among
the gains of an army and an ally; for they, being closely knit, are
unassailable for enemies. He mentions the Kambojas, Surashtras,
Ksatriyas, Srenis and others who live by an economic vocation and the
Licchhavis, Vrijjis, Mallas, Madrakas, Kukuras and Kurus and Panchalas
and others who make use of the title of kings.
He advises the vijigishu that he should win over those of them who are friendly with
saman and
dana and those hostile through
bheda and
danda. The stealthy use of force,
upamsudanda is also recommended.
These sanghas were characterised by collective leadership and the
idea was to sow dissension amongst the chiefs, weaken and divide them.
After this, the weaker elements were to be removed and settled away from
their territory.
Strife between chiefs was to be fomented by many different methods,
for instance, secretly killing one chief and blaming it on another.
Murder could be made plausible by provoking lust for the same woman— a
secret agent— and exploiting the resulting jealousy. Multiple scenarios
and methods for achieving this end are drawn up and explained. Arousing
ambition and using it against the sangha members is also described. For
instance, the ambitious son of a chief could be told that he was
actually the son of a king but kept hidden for fear of enemies; he could
be convinced to fight with the sangha members to achieve kingship.
The understanding and exploitation of human nature at its most stark is on display in this section.
After fomenting strife and internal fighting, the vijigishu is
advised to assist the weaker party with money and arms, make him fight
with the hostile group and urge him to kill his rivals.
Once the sangha becomes weak with infighting, it is easy for the
vijigishu to take it over. The Arthashastra is a compendium of political
and economic theories; which includes precepts of earlier teachers and
gurus who are mentioned through a critique of their pronouncements. The
section on oligarchies is a good example of the incorporation of
possible pre-existing theories which were based on the extant political
formations. During the time of the Buddha, predating the Mauryas and the
Kautilya
Arthashastra, the most powerful Mahajanapadas were
Magadha and Vaishali which were in a constant state of war with each
other— a war of attrition neither could win.
In the sixth century BCE, Magadha was a monarchy ruled by Bimbisara
and, later, his son, Ajatshatru, while Vaishali was the capital of the
Vrijji Confederacy which consisted of a number of sanghas. The Licchhavi
sangha was the most important constituent of this confederacy and had
to be broken up if Vaishali was to be conquered.
Ajatshatru tried to defeat Vaishali on many occasions but failed. The
city was almost invincible. He finally sent his minister Vassakara to
ask Gautam Buddha for advice. The Buddha responded by saying that as
long as the Vrijjis followed the Seven Conditions of Welfare ( ‘satta
aparihaniya dhamma’) no one could defeat them. Most important amongst
these were meeting in concord, rising in concord, carrying out all
undertakings in concord and acting in accordance with the established
institutions of the Vrijjis; in other words, cleaving hard to their
unity.
Rightly and shrewdly inferring that the unity of the sangha had to be broken, Vasskara and Ajatshatru made use of the upaya of
bheda.
King Chetaka, who Ajatsatru had been unable to defeat, was leading
the confederacy defending the impregnable city of Vaishali. Using the
services of the ganika Magadhika, the monk Kulvalaka was enticed into
betraying Vaishali.
He then entered the city disguised as an astrologer, sowed ferment
and dissatisfaction amongst the sangha members, convinced some of the
townspeople to uproot the
chaitya devoted to the deity
Munisuvrata and helped Ajatshatru and his forces to enter the city in
the confusion. Vaishali was conquered through the use of
bheda and
danda.
Another version of this legend has Ajatshatru accomplishing the end
of breaking up the Licchhavi chiefs’ unity through his own intrigues
with the leading ganika of Vaishali, Amrapali.
It seems clear, therefore, that the importance of confederacies and
sanghas predates the Mauryas and some of the political precepts
explained in the Arthashastra have roots in earlier political
formations. The significance of the sanghas was, of course, to endure
for many centuries after Ajatsatru.
The four ‘upayas’ of the Arthashastra had a precise political
application and have been explained with examples from politics and
history of the first millennium BCE. Further consideration will also
yield the fact, however, that these ‘upayas’ are applicable to many
modern situations as well. The management of foreign policy and external
relations could well take a leaf out of this book and use all the four
means to achieve diplomatic objectives.
In multilateral fora such as the World Trade Organisation or the
United Nations, where groups of countries with common interests vote
together, these means can be used to break up those groups and attract
support for India’s policies. In corporate battles, in annual general
meetings and boardrooms, too, Chanakya’s four upayas can be at the side
of the one who wants to conquer, ready to show the way.
These means are nothing but the way to shape the external environment
to be more amenable to one’s own will and desire; be it an individual
or a nation, and can be used as such. However, a note of caution: it
would be prudent to not take the
Arthashastra too literally in
this modern age. Assassination and poisoning would definitely not be
approved of whether in a corporate boardroom or the United Nations
General Assembly.