Wednesday, June 14, 2023

India's Foreign Policy: Challenges and Opportunities By Amb (Retd) Ashok Sajjanhar

 Courtesy: https://www.mea.gov.in/distinguished-lectures-detail.htm?78

I would like to warmly and sincerely thank the Public Diplomacy Wing of the External Publicity Division of MEA and IIT, Jodhpur for the kind invitation to be with you and for facilitating my visit to this young and prestigious Institution. I am deeply honoured and privileged to be here to address you. 

I will speak to you on ‘’Indian Foreign Policy: Challenges and Opportunities’’. 

I will begin my Presentation by speaking briefly about the essential elements and determinants of India’s Foreign Policy. I will briefly touch upon changes that have taken place on the international scene over the last decade or so as also how the world views India today. Thereafter I will address myself to some of our more important bilateral relations in addition to some significant themes that engage our attention today. I look forward to your questions and comments after my Presentation on any issue that I have addressed or even those that I might not have touched upon due to paucity of time.

It would be useful to remember that the foremost task of India’s foreign policy is to enable the domestic transformation of India. It is to ensure security from external aggression, inviolability and integrity of its borders as well as prosperity for the people of India. Foreign Policy serves as an enabler to meet the demands and aspirations of our people while at the same time ensuring peace and security on our borders. Our foreign policy seeks the transformation of our economy and society while promoting our values of pluralism, democracy and secularism. This requires us to work for a supportive external environment that is peaceful, thus enabling us to concentrate on our growth and development. At the broadest level, our foreign policy seeks security and support from the international community as we build and transform our society and economy. In the sixty years since its inception, our foreign policy has evolved. It has adjusted to meet new challenges and unprecedented crisis situations, as well as risen to meet the needs of intensified economic engagement with the world – an engagement that is designed to meet the needs of an increased inflow of capital, technology, ideas and innovation for our development and our re-emergence as one of the world’s leading economies. As the globe continues to shrink, impelled by unrelenting technological advances and information implosion, the canvas inevitably grows ever bigger and wider.

Lord Palmerston of England once said ‘’There are no permanent friends, there are no permanent enemies, only permanent interests’’. This is particularly true for conducting a country’s foreign policy. At times the greatest challenge is to determine the permanent interests that motivate and inspire a country to act in a particular manner. It might be easy to identify our interests in a broad, macro context but application of this principle in any specific case or context could differ widely. It also needs to be remembered that morals, ideals, ethics and principles need to be meshed with considerations of practicality and realpolitik. Policy based either only on morality or ethics or only on short term practical considerations is more likely to become unsustainable and unworkable in the medium and long term.

At this stage it would be useful to briefly recapitulate the remarkable changes that have occurred over the last decade or so on the international scene. The first aspect I would place in this category is the advent of globalisation which has not only brought down barriers to movement of goods, capital, technology, people and investments across international borders but has also significantly promoted the exchange of thoughts, ideas, experiences and views amongst people in the world. This has made our world much more inter-dependent than has been the case anytime in the past. Globalisation has been accompanied by the advent of multi-polarity. Gone are the days of bipolarity when USA and the Soviet Union were the most powerful and influential nations in the world. Gone also are the days of a single power viz the USA holding unchallenged sway over international affairs. The last 10 years have seen emergence of several poles of power and significance which exert considerable influence on events and developments in different parts of the world. These changes have been accompanied by the rise of terrorism which is the worst scourge to have afflicted humanity ever in its long and tortuous history. The next significant determining aspect of developments over the last decade I would say is the sudden and unexpected onslaught of the international economic crisis. This started from the USA in 2007 but which rolled over into the euro sovereign debt crisis in Europe two years later. This is the worst global crisis to have hit the world since the great Depression of the late 1920s. It brought most of the international economies particularly those of the west to their knees. We are yet to see the end of it. An accompanying though not necessarily related aspect I would like to mention is the rise of Asia. Economic centre of gravity is surely shifting towards Asia making several analysts and observers to call the 21st century as the Asian Century. The jury is still out as to how the next few decades will turn out but there can be no denying the fact that the first decade of the century has seen a rapid and unprecedented rise of Asian economies, not only of China and India but also of Indonesia, Vietnam, South Korea and others. At the end I will refer to the rise of technology, increased use of internet, the rapid growth of social media.

India has also undergone a remarkable transformation over the last two decades. Before looking at some specific changes within the country, it will be useful to recount the manner in which the world perceives India today. The first and foremost defining aspect of India today is that it continues to be a democracy notwithstanding the huge diversity and disparity that prevails in the country. India became independent after the Second World War along with a large number of other countries. The generally accepted wisdom then was that democracy and poverty cannot co-exist together. That democracy and inequitable distribution of wealth don’t go together. This theory was proved right by most countries that started out as democracies after breaking off from the colonial yoke but very soon descended into depths of autocratic or authoritarian rule or military dictatorships. You can look around and will observe that from Latin America to the Middle East, from Africa to Asia this hypothesis was proved correct. The one solitary and brightly shining exception to this rule is India. As you know India was rendered poor as a result of 200 years of colonial rule. Before that for much of the period, India accounted for around 25%of the world’s GDP. The colonial servitude had also made the distribution of wealth heavily skewed and inequitable. India started out as a democracy after independence and its vibrancy and dynamism has continued to grow with the passage of time. One of the essential features of a democratic system is the conduct of elections and as you are aware, this year 814 million people are expected to exercise their franchise in a largely peaceful, free, fair and transparent process to elect a Government which will seamlessly and smoothly assume power after the results are announced on 16th May. The enormity of the exercise can be judged from the fact that the size of the Indian electorate is more than the total population of the whole of European Union comprising of 28 countries and the United States of America put together.

The second aspect regarding India that amazes the world is its diversity. And this is true not only in terms of its religious plurality which in itself is quite unique and remarkable. There is no other country in the world that is the birthplace of four major religions of the world. Hinduism was born more than 5,000 years ago on this soil. Budhism and Jainism appeared about 2,500 years ago. Sikhism, the latest entrant was born about 500 years ago. All the other major religions of the world also came to this land and were warmly and enthusiastically embraced and accepted. Christianity appeared in 57 AD when St Thomas landed on the shores of Kerala to preach the gospel of the Lord. He was warmly received by the rulers of the time and provided with all facilities and support to carry out his Mission. Other religions also came at different times and have flourished and blossomed in the country on account of the keen and ardent welcome given to them..

India’s plurality and composite culture is also reflected in the wide range and multiplicity of languages, music, art, dance, literature, cuisine, costumes, traditions, practices, beliefs and faiths that peacefully and happily co-exist and adorn our land. Many countries, several of them in the recent past, have broken asunder as they have not been able to deal with their diversity in terms of language or culture or ethnicity or religion. India on the other hand has not only survived but on the contrary has flourished and prospered and grown in the rainbow of hues. Our diversity has emerged as our strength.

The next distinctive feature I would like to emphasise is India’s youthful population, also called as ‘’India’s demographic dividend’’. More than 50% of India’s population is comprised of young people below the age of 25 years. India’s median age is around 26 years. While the whole world from USA to China, from Europe to Japan is greying and getting older, India will continue to benefit from the ‘’demographic advantage’’ at least for the next 30 years and more. There is both empirical as well as theoretical evidence to prove that countries blessed with the youth bulge can expect high rates of economic growth for several decades. India hence stands at the threshold of a rapid growth in its economy provided it can improve its governance, ensure that right policies are adopted and implemented and also that appropriate facilities in terms of physical and social infrastructure like roads, ports, education, skill development, health care etc are made available to our young, motivated and ambitious population. The happy news is that all political parties are fully seized of the importance of these issues which are likely to receive their topmost attention whichever Government assumes office next month.

The final defining element that I would like to suggest for your consideration is India’s economic growth and development over the last 2 decades and the promise and potential of its huge market and innovative capability over the coming years. Notwithstanding the somewhat lacklustre economic performance over the last 2 years, India has the potential to grow at 8-9% if the right policies are put in place. Our Savings rate is around 32%; our investment rate is also in the similar range; our inward remittances are the highest in the world at around USD 70 billion per annum. 

The extraordinary changes of the last two decades are fundamentally transforming India’s economy and society. The consistent high economic growth in this period has not only helped empower a large number of our citizens but has also led to increased engagement of India with the outside world. If we can maintain high growth rates, leverage that growth to enhance the capabilities of our citizens, and maintain robust democratic traditions and institutions, there are few limits to India’s global role and influence. Our economic growth requires deepened economic engagement with the outside world at all levels: trade, labour, technology and ideas. And India now has an increasing range of interests, which are anchored in different parts of the world and which stem from a wide range of factors: for instance, the need to secure energy and other vital natural resources; the imperative of maintaining open shipping lanes; the imperative of seeking investments and trade opportunities overseas; the need to secure trade access, and so on. 

At the same time, spurred by advances in technology and global communications, we have witnessed emergence of new opportunities, enhanced productivity and higher living standards across the world. People across remote corners of our planet can be in touch with each other in real time, thanks to the rapid and dramatic developments in internet technologies. Developments in distant places, which once took time to impact other parts of the world, are now known almost instantaneously. Technology and social media is empowering people and one example of that change is how events relating to the Arab Spring were triggered some years ago.

The very same processes of globalization and technological revolution that have brought with them so many benefits to the world have also exposed our collective vulnerability. The benefits of globalization have been uneven and new challenges have been thrown up like growing inequity and inequality across and within nations, volatility in the financial market and environmental deterioration; and groups of radicals, extremists, hackers, pirates and terrorists have sought to utilize new technologies to gain asymmetrical advantage. The new global order is as yet not fully formed. 

Our strategic goals as I mentioned earlier are basically to enable the domestic transformation of India by accelerated growth and a strategic autonomy that safeguards the national interest at all times in this overall global context. These goals will not change for a long time. But this does not mean that India is going to be insular or inward looking. On the contrary, our engagement with the world has accelerated and grown exponentially over the last few years. We have benefitted from our integration into the global economy since the 1990s. And this engagement is only bound to grow as India actively pursues its interests in the world and remains ready to contribute within her capacity. We want to maintain an open global order at many different levels. Our vision of a secular, pluralistic and tolerant society within the country, embracing a multiplicity and diversity of opinions and outlook, is sought to be articulated in our dealings with the world.

Against this background let me briefly elaborate some of the main priority areas of focus for our foreign policy.

In terms of geography, India's foreign policy has always regarded the concept of neighborhood as one of widening concentric circles, around a central axis of historical and cultural commonalties. From this point of view, it has always given due priority to the development of relations with the countries of Asia. An article of steadfast faith in our foreign policy has been to ensure a peaceful, secure and stable neighbourhood, so as to safeguard peace, security and development within our own borders and it is with this perspective that India is developing a mutually beneficial relationship with all her neighbours. In South Asia, India has been driven by the vision of encouraging regional integration to bring about peace and prosperity for the more than one and a half billion people living in this region. As part of this vision, this geography of hope, we have been implementing a policy of asymmetric engagement in providing greater market access to our neighbours, which enables regional integration in a mutually beneficial manner. We understand very well, that we cannot be insulated from our neighbourhood; our growth and prosperity has a beneficial impact on the rest of the region, and increasingly, we will have to build closer connectivities in trade, communications and other networks of interaction between ourselves and our neighbours. 

China is our closest and largest neighbor. We share a border of around 4,000 kms with China. An oft repeated axiom states that large countries that neighbor each other can never be fully at peace with one another. This is true of USA and Canada, China and Russia, Brazil and Argentina, France and Germany and several others. This is true of India and China also. China is a unique case because it has the largest population in the world with a rapidly expanding economy which is likely to outstrip the US economy by the end of the decade if not earlier to become the largest economy in the world. China’s emergence as one of the pre-eminent powers in the international system has immense consequences for India because of a host of factors, like geographical proximity; historical memories; the unresolved border dispute; the presence of Dalai Lama in India; the Tibet question; Chinese military modernization; uncertainties regarding Chinese intentions; its relation with India’s neighbors, especially Pakistan; the potential expansion of China’s maritime power into the Indian Ocean; growing economic inter-dependence between the two countries; its string of pearls strategy, sharing of river waters; issuance of stapled visas to Indian citizens of J&K; denial of visas to Indian residents of Arunachal Pradesh, and the potential for resource competition in West Asia, Latin America and Africa. In the years ahead, the relationship will continue to be characterized by both competition and cooperation. We have attempted to establish a strategic and cooperative partnership with China. It has emerged as the largest trading partner in goods of India, and our engagement is now multi-faceted. The maintenance of peace and tranquillity on our borders with China, and the quest for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the outstanding boundary question, are areas of crucial importance in our bilateral relationship. Therefore, even as India continues to engage with China to promote better understanding on border management, trade, climate change, global governance and a host of other issues of mutual interest, it needs to put in place a robust strategy to defend its territorial integrity and its interests in the region and the world. India is concerned about China’s economic, military and cyber-war potential, and hopes China will gradually step into the role of a responsible stakeholder in world security. India and the world will judge China's rise not by pronouncements of its intentions but through its actions. Neither India nor China enjoy the luxury of being on antagonistic terms with each other. We must never disregard the fact that China suffers many handicaps and disabilities that are sometimes concealed by its economic rise and ignored by its admirers. It has serious problems with ethnic minorities like the Uigurs and Tibetans. There are challenges of banks riddled with bad loans, finding employment and pensions for a large rapidly ageing workforce, adverse demographic composition on account of a shrinking labour force and fast greying population, social inequality of destabilizing proportions, among the highest in the world. There is simmering dissent among its netizens and civil society. There is rampant corruption at all levels, and environmental degradation. The country has grown to an extraordinary extent over the past three decades, but it may be harder to sustain it and to achieve internal consensus on what comes next.

Engaging Pakistan will be a key challenge for India’s strategy in the foreign and security policy arena in the coming years. Pakistan is undergoing social, political and economic turmoil. It is likely to remain weak, turbulent and troublesome for the foreseeable future notwithstanding the successful elections and smooth change of guard and the positive signals that emanated from PM Nawaz Sharif just after he took over the reins of office. The brutal killings of our soldiers by the Pakistan Army, the repeated cease fire violations at LOC and the bellicose statements emerging from across our western border strongly suggest that we are in for a period of increasing tension, instability and heightened possibility of terrorist and militant attacks engineered and master-minded from across our western frontier. India must prepare itself to deal with the increasing instability in Pakistan. It should keep up its vigilance to anticipate and respond to a range of emergencies that may stem from Pakistan’s weaknesses. Pakistan needs to realise that use of terrorism as an instrument of state policy against India is counter-productive. Pakistan harbours a mistaken impression that it can continue with its support to terrorism without getting affected itself or without resulting in an adverse impact on its international reputation and standing. In fact the rise of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan and the perilous state of that country's economy and energy shortages can be attributed directly to Pakistan's support of terrorist operations through its home grown and funded jihadi groups. While preparing to meet any eventuality, India must continue to reinforce its efforts to see Pakistan emerge as a stable, secure and prosperous democracy. India must take advantage of support of opinion makers in Pakistani society for closer economic cooperation by relaxing the ban on investment and granting access to Pakistani goods in Indian markets.

Bangladesh can be termed as a success story of our foreign policy over the last 5 years. Since the advent of Sheikh Hasina government, our relations in the area of security, strategic ties, economy, industry, and investment have soared. It is expected that this positive trend will continue for the next few years since the Sheikh Hasina Government has recently extended its term of office by another 5 years. Bangladesh has been cooperating actively with us to control insurgency in our North Eastern States. This has brought considerable peace to the Region so that the people and the governments in the States can engage themselves for improving living conditions of the people. India however needs to sign the Teesta water sharing Agreement quickly as also to ratify the Agreement for Exchange of Enclaves and Adverse Possessions. 

Recent developments in Sri Lanka particularly abstaining by India at the last Resolution of the UN Human Rights Council to set up a Body to investigate the human rights abuses by the SL Security Forces have provided a window of opportunity to make a course correction in our relations and bring them on a more secure, sound and firmer footing.SL is an extremely important neighbor both for our security as well as for our trade and economic interests. China and Pakistan have been fishing in troubled waters as our policy on dealing with this important neighbor has shown signs of wavering and dithering in the recent past on account of the increased involvement of domestic players and political parties of Tamil Nadu in our relations. It is necessary to evolve a national consensus on our relations with this important neighbor. The Bilateral Free Trade Agreement has yielded good dividends for Sri Lanka. It is essential to upgrade it to a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. SL has been dragging its feet over taking this forward on account of the strained political ties. 

Looking beyond this immediate neighborhood, we have also been expanding our circles of engagement, starting with South-east Asia, the Indian Ocean region, West Asia, Central Asia, Africa, and the world’s major powers.

Afghanistan is another country in our neighborhood which is of critical importance to us.US and NATO ISAF forces will start their drawdown beginning 2014. In fact the drawdown started in the middle of last year when responsibility for maintaining security all over the country was handed over to the Afghan National Security Forces and the International Security Forces are engaged only in training and special operations. Afghanistan of today is very different from the Afghanistan of 2001. It has a professional and well trained army which is motivated and committed and can stand its own against all attacks of the Taliban. More girls are going to school than have ever before pursued education. Women are getting increasingly and actively involved and engaged in social, educational and professional activities including in governance and assuming leadership positions. The high voter turnout in Presidential Elections on 5th April notwithstanding the threat of disruption and bomb attacks by the Taliban is most impressive and inspiring. Security and economic development are the prerequisite needs of Afghan society today. India has been actively engaged in the stabilisation and growth of Afghanistan over the last 10 years. Our total assistance amounting to more than US $2 billion has been guided by the priorities of the Afghan government and people. We have helped in construction of the Pul-e-Khumri power station and transmission line to Kabul, the strategic Zaranj-Delaram Road, the Parliament building, the Salma dam and several other significant projects like schools, hospitals, roads, training of Afghan Security forces, human resources and skill development etc.. Afghanistan has the potential of becoming a bridge between South Asia and Central Asia and beyond for trade, commerce, connectivity, pipelines, energy etc..India has been in close contact with Regional Powers including Russia, Iran, Central Asia, and China as well as with the Istanbul Process consisting of 18 countries to ensure that peace and economic progress continues in Afghanistan after 2014. India is committed to helping build Afghan institutions and capacities in order to deal with threats of terrorism, religious extremism and other centrifugal tendencies.

Central Asia is a strategically important region for us. It consists of 5 countries with which India has close, warm and friendly relations. However the promise of expansion of our ties which presented itself immediately after their independence on the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 has been belied. One of the important factors for this is the absence of land connectivity between India and these countries. Many of these countries are rich in mineral resources. For instance Kazakhstan is reported to have rich deposits and commercially viable quantities of more than 100 minerals and elements on the Mendeleev Table. RK has the world’s second largest reserves of uranium ore and huge supplies of coal, iron ore, copper, magnesium, gold, oil, gas, titanium, lead, zinc and many more. Turkmenistan has huge supplies of gas. Uzbekistan has copious quantities of gold, uranium, gas, cotton. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan have abundant supplies of hydro energy. In addition the strategic location particularly in the context of impending changes in Afghanistan enhances the significance and importance of these countries to India. India launched the Connect Central Asia Policy a few years ago to strengthen and revitalize our partnership with these countries. It needs to be supported and nurtured assiduously and energetically. We need to interest and engage our Private Sector to give greater attention and focus to opportunities of infrastructure projects, joint ventures, internationally aided and funded projects in the fields of roads, transport, telecommunication, power, energy etc.. 

South East Asia begins with North East India. Myanmar is our land bridge to the countries of the ASEAN. Today, winds of change are blowing through Myanmar. We have welcomed these developments and are working with people and government of Myanmar to help build their capacities. 

Through our ‘Look East’ Policy, we have tried to reconnect and reach out in the civilizational space we share with our near neighbours in Southeast Asia since the early 1990s. We are building on our strong bilateral ties, expanding our roles in regional organizations and working to build comprehensive economic partnerships. India and ASEAN have put in place one of the largest free trade agreements on goods. We hope that the early conclusion of a similar Free Trade Agreement in Services and Investments between India and the ASEAN will significantly broaden and deepen this process. We marked the 20th anniversary of commencement of our dialogue partnership with ASEAN in 2012. And, we are adding content to our economic relations with the region through growing strategic and security engagement. We are Members of several Regional Institutions like the ARF, ADMM plus, EAS, ACD and several others. We also share and enjoy and ASEAN plus India Summit relationship with these countries which has energised and re-vitalised our partnership.

I would like to say a few words about Iran. India has consistently said that Iran must cooperate with IAEA to resolve all the outstanding issues about its nuclear program that continue to raise doubts in the minds of the international community. We acknowledge that Iran has the right to utilize the benefits of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. But, this right has to be exercised in conformity with international obligations that Iran has voluntarily undertaken as a non-nuclear weapon state party to NPT. We have maintained that Iran must comply with its obligations, fully and transparently. But, we also hope that these issues are resolved peacefully. The need of the hour is diplomatic drive and creativity to address the situation. In this regard, we feel that it is a positive development that P5+1 and Iran have come to an understanding as a result of which tension between USA and Iran has lessened considerably. It is our hope that all the sides will engage in a constructive and serious manner to find a way forward. This task will not be easy but we do believe that if the parties demonstrate a seriousness of purpose then gradually the issues can be resolved.

Looking beyond Asia, we have tried to build mutually beneficial ties with all the major powers, foremost among which is the United States. As President Obama stated during his visit to India, this will be a defining relationship of the 21st century. Our relationship with the United States is in fact built on our shared values and converging interests. It is based on our fundamental belief that we have mutually beneficial stakes in each other’s success. We have in the last decade, set up a comprehensive architecture of engagement based on broad political support in each of our countries, strong people to people linkages, and an increasing norm and growing habit of cooperation. Over the past ten years, the two governments have put in place a very robust agenda of cooperation for our partnership that is, to quote Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, founded on both "principles and pragmatism”. In the years ahead it should be our joint endeavor to build on this foundation, consolidate on the work that has already been done and implement the initiatives that have been agreed upon to qualitatively improve the relationship.

Cooperation on sustainable economic development will be the bedrock of Indo-US strategic partnership. India is working closely with the US on science and technology, food security, education, health, and development of clean energy technologies and renewable energy. The Indian Diaspora in the US needs to be engaged on a sustained basis to further diversify and cement ties between the two nations. Some events over the last few months have put our bilateral relations in turmoil, on an unsteady and unpredictable course. Both countries need to realize that it is not prudent to make only one issue derail the positive developments in our relations. Both our countries need to focus on our strategic ties and ensure that they are restored to their position of primacy without any further delay. 

India enjoys a special and privileged partnership with Russia which is more intense and broad-based than a traditional strategic engagement. Our bilateral ties have successfully withstood the test of all challenges and upheavals over the last 65 years since our independence and have continued to grow from strength to strength. India needs to build on its historical ties to move beyond defense and evolve a partnership that takes advantage of the complementarities in technology, energy and other sectors.

India has much to gain from close cooperation with Europe in matters related to governance, science, energy and defense. India needs to embark on a sustained and simultaneous engagement with major pan-European bodies and individual European governments. Strengthening Indo-European ties will involve greater efforts to boost existing bilateral cooperation and dialogue on security issues including counter terrorism and maritime security. Besides cooperation in science and technology, there are significant synergies in the social realm. India can benefit from cooperation with Europe on matters of regional and local governance, urban management, women empowerment and social welfare.

Outside the bilateral relationships with various countries and groups, there are global issues, which constitute yet another set of challenges that we need to successfully tackle to achieve the outcomes that we desire. These would include ensuring energy security and sustainable development, food security and dealing with issues vital to peace and security such as terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

The interlinked issue of energy security and climate change can pose the biggest hurdle in our quest to achieve our social and economic transformation. In addressing our energy requirements, we do not intend to follow the business as usual approach or the conspicuous consumption pattern that may exist in some developed countries. At present our own greenhouse gas emissions are only about 4% of the global level of emissions, even with 17% of global population. We have also set out ambitious goals for increasing the share of solar energy, wind energy, nuclear energy and clean coal technology in our energy mix on the one hand and on the other to improve overall energy efficiency. We have committed to keep the per capita emissions below the average of those in the developed countries and to reduce the emissions intensity of India's GDP by 20 to 25% by 2020 as compared to 2005.

Terrorism continues to pose a threat to international peace and stability. India having been a victim of terrorism for many decades, has worked with the international community to strengthen the international framework to deal with this threat. In the UN for instance we have taken the initiative to pilot the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism or the CCIT, with the objective of providing a comprehensive legal framework to combat terrorism. Given the global nature of the threat we are working with our international partners including the US to tackle the problem. This threat is compounded today given the possibility of intersection between terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We have been affected by clandestine nuclear proliferation in our neighbourhood. Today, India is constructively engaged in international efforts to enhance nuclear security. In the long term such threats can be met by universal and non-discriminatory disarmament - a cause that India has championed for many years.

I have tried to reflect on broad trends and critical issues that we face today and would need to successfully manage. India is proud to play its due role and fulfil its responsibilities as a factor of peace, security, stability and prosperity in the Region and the World. 

I will now be happy to take your questions and listen to your comments.

Thank You. 

Disclaimer :-The opinions/views expressed in the Lectures are author's own and do not represent the views of the Ministy of External Affairs.

Sunday, June 11, 2023

Kauṭilya's Arthaśāstra: A Classic Text of Statecraft and an Untapped Political Science Resource by Michael Liebig

 Courtesy: http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/17144/2/Heidelberg%20Papers_74_Liebig_revised.pdf

Kauilya's Arthaśāstra: A Classic Text of Statecraft and an Untapped Political Science Resource1

Michael Liebig2 ABSTRACT:

The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra written at the turn of the 4th to the 3rd century BC is a classical work of political theory and International Relation theory. However, Kauilya has so far remained on the sidelines of the international political science discourse in spite of Max Weber's repeated references to the Arthaśāstra and Hans J. Morgenthau's own statement that his theory of political realism is (also) based on ancient Indian philosophy. The Arthaśāstra is a theoretical and normative work which features six pivotal idea clusters: 1) state power, 2) raison d'état, 3) correlation of forces between competing states based on 4) the saptāṅga theory of the seven “state factors” (prakr̥ ti). The correlation of forces predetermines which of six alternative foreign policy options the 5) ṣāḍguya theory will be selected. The background of Kauilya's 'realist' statecraft is 6) matsya-nyāya theory – a political anthropology which features anarchy, conflicts of interest and power struggle.

Kauilya's idea of political realism anticipates much of the modern notion which is associated not only with Machiavelli and Hobbes, but particularly with Hans J. Morgenthau and also with Max Weber, Helmuth Plessner and Friedrich Meinecke. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra is an untapped conceptional resource for theory building with respect to political theory, theorized statecraft and IR theory. The Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra is also key for understanding the politico- strategic culture of modern India.

Keywords: Kauṭilya, Arthaśāstra, Indian political thought, saptāṅga theory, raison d'état, political realism

INTRODUCTION

The Arthaśāstra can be characterized as the foundational work of the theory of political realism and Kauilya's theoretical achievements are (at least) on a plane with Machiavelli.3 Nevertheless, the Arthaśāstra has either been ignored or 'orientalized' in the Western political science discourse as typified by the absurd formula of Kauilya being the 'Indian Machiavelli'. (cf. Behera 2007) Until very recently, the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra has been marginalized even in Indian social science. (cf. Bajpai/Pant 2013; Bajpai et al. 2014, 10) Kauilyan ideas and concepts represent an untapped conceptual potential that can be used to tackle political science puzzles. That goes both for the history of political thought and for theory building with respect to current questions and puzzles of political science, including International Relations theory.

1I am grateful to Prof. Dr. Subrata K. Mitra, Prof. Dr. Hans Harder, Anne Moßner and the HPSACP Editorial Staff
2Dr. des. Michael Liebig, Dipl.-Pol., is currently fellow of South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University and can be contacted at: m.liebig@uni-heidelberg.de

3cf. Weber 1988 and 2008, Sarkar 1919, Nehru 1981/1944, Drekmeier 1962, Modelski 1964, Parmar 1987, Roy 1987, Sil 1989, Mehta 1992, Boesche 2002, Müller 2006, Watson 2009, Gautam 2013a

HEIDELBERG PAPERS IN SOUTH ASIAN AND COMPARATIVE POLITICS

http://hpsacp.uni-hd.de/

Working Paper No. 74, July 2014 1

Michael Liebig

Max Weber was the first Western social scientist to recognize the importance of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra. He did so in his Politics as Vocation and in his sociology of religion studies on Hinduism. (Weber 1988, 555; 2008, 620f , 687) It is a reliable assumption that Hans J. Morgenthau's knew of Kauilya. In Politics among Nations, Morgenthau states that his theory of political realism is (also) derived from ancient Indian political philosophy and quotes from Weber's 'Hinduism study' which contains several references to Kauilya and the Arthaśāstra. (Morgenthau 1978, 4 and 9)

Probably written around 320 BC, the Arthaśāstra is an "encyclopedic work" (Zimmer 1973, 46) covering the (patrimonial) state, public administration, economics, law, foreign policy/diplomacy, military affairs and intelligence. The Arthaśāstra is a theoretical and normative work no historiographical description of the Mauryan Empire. The 'Kauilyan state' is an ideal-type construction, but not an 'utopian' design in the sense of Thomas Morus or Campanella. The Arthaśāstra is grounded in Kauilya's extensive experience as a political actor in the creation of the Maurya Empire which for the first time politically unified most of the Indian subcontinent. 4

Jawaharlal Nehru's treatment of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra in his Discovery of India has made the work and its author part of modern India's politico-cultural narrative. (Nehru 1981, 122-127) The core ideas of the Arthaśāstra are a significant factor of influence in modern India's politico-strategic culture.5 The Kauilyan influence is latent in the sense of semi-conscious, 'habitual' dispositions and preferences with respect to the thought and behavior in the field politico-strategic affairs in the sense of the "modernity of tradition" in India. (Lloyd & Lloyd 1968 ). The reference to Kauilyan ideas is also explicit and discursive in the sense of the "re-use of the past" in addressing current political and strategic problems. (Mitra 2011) Thus, the adequate knowledge of the endogenous politico-cultural resource Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra is key for understanding the politico-strategic culture of modern India in the multipolar world system at the beginning of the 21st century. The theoretical engagement with Kauilyan ideas and concepts and their induction into the political science discourse without reducing them to mere larvae-like 'precursors' of modern Western theories in political science is a desideratum in political science.

METHODOLOGICAL PUZZLES AND METHODOLOGICAL/THEORETICAL APPROACHES
The Arthaśāstra's authoritative translations into English (R.P. Kangle) and German (J.J. Meyer) were made by Indologists. Also, the secondary literature on the work comes almost exclusively from the Indologists. 6 The Indological perspective is focused on Sanskrit philology, but with respect to specifically political issues, Indologists are (probably, inevitably so) 'semantic generalists'. Sanskrit philology has made the Arthaśāstra accessible to social science, but the philological meticulousness of Indologists cannot substitute political science terminology which is the prerequisite for an adequate understanding of Kauilyan ideas. The problematic is not merely one of proper translation in terms of political science terminology, but brings up the issue of interpretation in the sense of adequate reconstruction of (latent) ideas or 'complexes of meaning' in the Arthaśāstra and the 'transposition' of such ideas into modern categories.

4cf. Kulke/Rothermund 1998, Kulke 2005, Witzel 2010
5cf. Sidhu 1996, Dixit 2004, Kim 2004, Zaman 2006, Jones 2006, Michael 2008, Menon 2012, Liebig 2014
6Hillebrandt 1923, Meyer 1926 and 1927, Jayaswal 1943, Kangle 2010/1965, Scharfe 1968, Ritschl/Schetlich 1973, Zimmer 1973, Kühnhardt 1988, Rangarajan 1992

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The methodological challenge therefore is to grasp and explicate the key ideas of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra with the help of modern political science concepts and vocabulary without compromising the originality and conceptual eigenvalue of these ideas. For example, the idea of raison d'état takes a central position in the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra but it is not systematically explicated as category.7 In order to explicate this (latent) Kauilyan idea, the modern category of raison d'état has to be used as 'analytical tool' and a 'conceptual repository'.

The selection of categories of modern political science for the explication of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra's central ideas is made under the assumption of structural homology between such categories and Kauilyan ideas. This heuristic approach follows Helmuth Plessner's concept of "covariance". (Plessner 2003) The German- Jewish social philosopher and sociologist Plessner (1892-1985) held the view, that substantive achievements in culture and science can occur in historically and culturally distant contexts. Structurally homologous ideas and concepts are not identical, but intrinsically related. In his 1931 study Macht und menschliche Natur 8 [Power and Human Nature], Plessner rejects the suppositions of mono-linear scientific progress and of an 'European exceptionalism' in culture and science without, however, adopting a position of cultural relativism (in the 'postmodernist' sense). Plessner covariance approach promises a meaningful and productive correlation of Kauilyan thought with modern concepts of modern political science without retroactively projecting the latter upon the first.

It needs to be emphasized here that the methodology adopted here, is not the only conceivable approach, however one that is indispensable. In order to do justice to the ideational content of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra the covariance/homology approach ought to be complemented by one that situates Kauilyan ideas in the history of ideas of ancient Indian politico-strategic thought.

In this essay, the following text-immanent concept clusters will be analyzed and explicated by utilizing homologous theoretical concepts and categories of modern political science:

  1. matsya-nyāya: the political anthropology of conflict of interest and power struggle

  2. the saptāṅga theory: state capacity defined via “the seven state factors” (prakr̥ ti)

  3. (state) power: the aggregate of the seven prakr̥ ti

  4. raison d'état: the optimization of the seven prakr̥ ti

  5. the correlation of forces between states (in terms of the seven prakr̥ ti)

  6. the choice of foreign policy among six alternatives (ṣāḍguya) based on

    the correlation of forces

  7. the threefold normative dimension of Kauilyan statecraft and the dialectics

    of purposive rationality and normativity

  8. grand strategy and the comprehensiveness of Kauilya's theory of the state and

    statecraft

7Similarly, in Machiavelli's Il Principe and his Discorsi the category of raison d'état is not explicitly articulated, yet the idea of raison d'état permeates the work
8Would be in English: 'Power and Human Nature'; most unfortunately, no English translation available

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These text-immanent concept clusters will be analyzed and explicated by utilizing homologous theoretical concepts and categories of modern political science, including:

  • -  Max Weber's concepts of power, power struggle, conflict of interest and (patrimonial) state.9 In addition, Weber's sociology of religion studies on Hinduism and Buddhism serve as a 'theoretical foil' featuring his concepts of the "Hindu social and life order," the ancient Indian “patrimonial state”, ancient Indian "Machiavellianism" and ancient Indian "cameralism". (Weber 2008, 533-845)10

  • -  Friedrich Meinecke's concept of raison d'état as developed in his Die Idee der Staatsraison in der neueren Geschichte. (Meinecke 1963/1924)11

  • -  Helmuth Plessner's concept of "political anthropology" centered on the concept of "boundary" with respect to individual human bodies and 'social bodies' (family, tribe, state) (Plessner 2003/1931)

  • -  Hans J. Morgenthau's theory of political realism based upon the above concepts of Weber, Meinecke and as a reliable assumption Plessner.12

The assumption that these concepts of modern social/political science meet the criteria of structural homology with the Arthaśāstra's core ideas has been tested and, at least preliminarily, verified. (cf. Liebig 2014, forthcoming)

MATSYA-NYĀYA: KAUILYA'S POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
The precariousness of human existence individually and collectively is an indisputable fact of life for the sober realist Kauilya who possesses the "trained the recklessness of the look into the realities of life, and the ability to endure them and to cope with them." (Weber 1988, 558, transl. ML) The political anthropology of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra rests on two basic assumptions:

  •   lust, greed, striving for domination are central features of man's anthropological constitution. Man as an individual has an anthropological disposition for 'egoism' and 'social bodies' of human beings too are 'selfish'.

  •   these anthropological dispositions lead inevitably to conflicts of interests and power struggles, therefore man's political world is one of anarchy and insecurity within and among political communities matsya-nyāya.

    Kauilya submits his view of the basic anthropological features of man at the very beginning of the Arthaśāstra. He speaks of instinct- and affect-driven behavior – “lust, anger, greed, pride, arrogance and fool-hardiness” as the “six enemies” which need to be controlled, channeled and sublimated through education and (self-)discipline, ethicsand(criminal)law.(I,6,1;VIII,3,66)13 Butbeingpartofhumannature,man's drives and affective impulses cannot be eradicated neither by morality nor force. So, the “six enemies” have first to be acknowledged as facts of life before trying to control and channel them. If prostitution, drinking and gambling cannot be eradicated, the

    9cf. Weber 1956, Weber 1988
    10Very unsatisfactory English translation: Max Weber: Religion in India: Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, Delhi, 2012
    11English translation: Friedrich Meinecke: Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d'État and its Place in Modern History, Transaction Publishers, St. Louis, 1962
    12cf. Morgenthau 1978, 2012; Frei 1994; Scheuerman 2009, Reichwein 2010
    13The Latin number designates the book within the Arthaśāstra and the Arabic number the chapter thereof (in total fifteen); when there is an additional Arabic number, it refers to the sūtra number within the respective chapter in Kangle's English translation (2010a/1972)

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state should at least regulate them and tax them for the benefit of state treasury. (cf. II, 25 and 27)

Particularly, Kauilya argues, human beings must be allowed to act out their striving for wealth and social recognition/domination within the boundaries of the established social and political order, of course. For Kauilya, artha the pursuit of material wealth and social/political power – comes first in human existence: “Material well-being [artha] alone is supreme, says Kauṭilya.” (I, 7, 6) For him, artha is the logical and practical condition of the possibility of dharma (ethics) and kāma (sensual pleasure) This materialist-realist position stands at the core of Kauilya's political anthropology. Due to their 'selfish' disposition, human beings get constantly in conflicts of interests with each other. If men are left to themselves, these conflicts are usually resolved by the stronger party enforcing its will against the resistance of the weaker one. For Kauilya, this is the 'natural' state of human existence: matsya-nyāya the stronger fish devouring the weaker. (cf. I, 4, 13-14; I, 13, 2-14 ) matsya-nyāya means 'law of the fishes' which corresponds in western terminology to 'law of the jungle', 'might is right' or 'anarchy'.

This anthropologically derived basic situation of anarchy and arbitrariness among human beings can, however, be 'managed' in a 'social contract' mode. Submitting a kind of 'contract theory', Kauilya argues: as men have increasingly suffered from the condition of matsya-nyāya fearing for their life and property they concluded that a ruler with supreme executive power – i.e. armed with the “rod” of force and punishment was needed. (cf. I, 4, 5) In agreeing to install a supreme ruler, the matsya-nyāya principle of 'might makes right' is monopolized by the ruler resp. the (patrimonial) state. Endowed with the monopoly of the use of force, the state punishes any person who would illegally use force (in the form of murder, assault or robbery etc) within its territory. In the Arthaśāstra, Kauilya lets a secret agent tell a crowd that their forebears feared for their life when matsya-nyāya ruled, so they decided to install a king who would enforce order and end violent anarchy. Thus the people should be grateful for having the king and should not complain about paying taxes to him. If the state were incapacitated, matsya-nyāya would return. (cf. I, 13, 2-14) However, while the state 'contains' matsya-nyāya on its territory by monopolizing the use of force, in interstate relations anarchy remains unrestricted. For Kauilya, the world of political entities/states is divided and conflicted and interstate relations are characterized by unrestrained matsya-nyāya.

Following our heuristic approach of structural homology, let's now correlate Kauilya's political anthropology in the Arthaśāstra with Helmut Plessner's concept of political anthropology. The fact that the social philosopher and sociologist Plessner had also studied biology, is relevant here.

As for all biological nature, self-preservation is constitutive of human beings. Plessner sees the self-protection of the human body defending the integrity of its (bodily) “boundaries” against the “outside” and “others” as the most fundamental anthropological impulse. After all, he emphasizes, man does not only 'have' a body, but 'is' a body. The human body is forcing man to acquire physical objects: food, clothing and shelter for (individual) survival. In addition, man is forced to develop tools and weapons to ensure food supply and physical safety against predator beasts and violent fellow-human beings. In view of these fundamental anthropological facts, Plessner views the use of normatively charged terms like 'egoism' and 'selfishness' as inappropriate.

While human beings always remain individuals within the boundaries of their bodies, they are, at the same time, created biologically out of a community father and mother

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and are socialized in a community the (extended) family. Thus, despite the physical 'boundaries' of the body separating men from from fellow-men and the 'self-interest' in one's own self-preservation, man is not principally anti-social. Nevertheless, from the primacy of (individual) self-preservation, inevitably conflicts of interest arise between human beings -- especially when it comes to scarce goods like food, clothing and shelter which are critically important for survival. These conflicts of interest can and often do turn into power struggles which lead to domination and subordination.

The basic anthropological principle of “boundary” and self-preservation applies not only individuals, but also to social structures: family, clan, tribe and later political communities such as the (patrimonial) state. All of these 'social bodies' defend their boundaries against external intrusions of 'others'. The community acts like the individual in counter-posing a “familiar, native sphere to an unfamiliar, alien sphere". (Plessner 2003, 231; transl. ML) From the basic anthropological fact of the particularity of human beings within the community and the particularity of human communities vis-à-vis other communities result frictions, conflicts of interest and power struggles. Such conflicts can intensify to an extent that they become a friend- foe relationship. For Plessner the friend-foe relationship is initially not a political category, but an anthropological fact: “The enemy is to man what is detrimental to his interests... [I]t is the most natural and most familiar thing in the world. But this familiarity and self-evidence of conflicts of interest that cause everyday quarrels and disputes about the smallest and the biggest things, also demonstrates... the entanglement of the One with the Other.” (Plessner 2003, 194, transl. ML) This dialectic of the friend-foe relationship and mutual entanglement/dependence marks the demarcation line between Plessner and Carl Schmitt who absolutises the friend- foe relationship and postulates it as the central normative principle which politics must pursue under all circumstances.

The basic message of Plessner's political anthropology is that in this world there cannot be a political community that is free of conflicts of interests and power hierarchies and the same goes for interstate relations. In human existence, there is no power vacuum, but power struggle albeit increasingly in 'civilized' forms and in judicial garb. For Plessner, the sober and impartial recognition of the entanglement of politics and human nature makes it possible to conduct politics as the "art of the possible." In this understanding, political anthropology is exactly not the "program of an pessimistic, anti-rational and conservative advocacy of pure power politics", but rather it provides the "anthropological foundations of statesmanlike action as a welcome help for the leader who has to stay sober and prudent, and needs to know when to start the fight at the right moment and when to terminate it." (Plessner 2003, 145f; transl. ML)

In Kauilya's political anthropology, the (political) world is divided, conflicted, and anarchical. His conclusion is that this state of political affairs must be adequately taken into account when acting politically. That means that all politics come down to the issue of enforcing one's own will upon an other or others.14 In order to enforce one's will against resistance, Kauilya sees four no more and no less basic methods of political behavior the four upāyas:

  1. 1)  sāman (friendliness, cooperation)

  2. 2)  dāna (gift, ingratiation)

  3. 3)  bheda (divide et impera)

  4. 4)  daṇḍa (use of force).

14That corresponds to Max Weber's understanding of 'political struggle' and 'power' (Weber 1956, 27 and 38)

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These four methods of politics do not originate with Kauilya, but go back to much earlier political thought in ancient India. The upāyas are not only echoed by Weber, but also Morgenthau who states that „international Politics, like all politics, is a struggle for power” and defines power as „man's control over the minds and actions of other men“ (Morgenthau 1978, 29 and 30) P. K. Gautam pointed to the section „Different Methods of the Balance of Power“ in Morgenthau's Politics among Nations which exhibits an astonishing similarity to the upāyas in the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra (cf. Morgenthau 1978, 185-188): „Interestingly, without any reference to Kauilya, the 20th century pioneer of power politics theory Hans J. Morgenthau, in the chapter of different methods of balance of power in his book Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, (1966) mentions that 'The balance of power can be carried on either by diminishing the weight of the heavier scale or by increasing the weight of the lighter one.' His chapter has sections on: 1.) Divide and Rule; 2.) Compensation; 3.) Armaments; and 4.) Alliances. The four sections are very close to the Kauilyan concepts of bheda (divide and rule), dāna (compensation), daṇḍa (armaments) and sāman (alliances).“ (Gautam 2013b)

Let us take the question of Kauilya's political anthropology and his (anthropologically rooted) political realism as a reference point for the conceptual homology between Kauilya on the one side and the modern social scientists Weber, Plessner and Morgenthau on the other side, but let's also look at the intellectual connectivity among the latter. We do not go here for a (conceptual) 'content analysis', but limit ourselves to circumstantial evidence:

Max Weber did read at least some of R. Shamashastry's essays on the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra in Indian Antiquary between 1905 and 1910. (Weber 2008, 621) This reading is reflected in Weber's repeated references to Kauilya and the Arthaśāstra in his sociology of religion studies on Hinduism and Buddhism. From this work (with its references to Kauilya), Morgenthau is citing in Politics Among Nations. (Morgenthau 1978, 9) He was also familiar with Weber's Politics as Vocation which too references Kauilya. In private remarks, Morgenthau wrote: "Weber 's political thought possessed all the intellectual and moral qualities I had looked for in vain in the contemporary literature inside and outside the universities " (quoted in: Frei 1994, 96).

But Morgenthau was also familiar with Helmuth Plessner's political anthropology: he mentions Plessner's 1931 book Power and Human Nature in his 1933 study The Concept of the Political. (Morgenthau 2012, 106) William Scheuerman notes: "Reminiscent of the conservative German theorist Helmuth Plessner, author of an influential book on politics and human nature, Morgenthau argued that an antagonistic model of politics required a deeper grounding in psychology and philosophical anthropology. Not only did a realistic or sociological approach demand recourse to the laws of politics, but basic political laws derived from fundamental features of human nature." (Scheuerman 2009, 37)

THE SAPTĀṄGA THEORY: THE SEVEN STATE FACTORS
The outcome of conflicts of interest or friend-enemy relations both within a political community and between political communities is determined by power. It is power that decides who wins the struggle and dominates and who is the looser and has to back down. First, it should be noted that Kauilya undoubtedly a theorist of power politics refrains from any ideological and/or rhetoric idealization of power. For Kauilya, power is first of all the obvious attribute of the ruler: the “rod” with which he can strike at those who don't submit to his will. Power is the ability of the ruler to use force first personally, then through 'executive organs' (body guards, police, military) against insubordination. The monopoly of the legitimate use of force enables

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the ruler to establish order in his kingdom and to control matsya-nyāya. And in this sense, power is constitutive of the state because a powerless state i.e. without the monopoly of the use of force ceases to be one. Such a 'state' will disintegrate internally and fall back into matsya-nyāya or, even more likely, such a 'state' will be conquered and annexed by another, more powerful state. In Kauilya's basic view of power as the capacity to use force as the means to enforce one's will against the resistance of others be it within a state or against another state there is an evident homology with Max Weber, Plessner and Morgenthau.

However, Kauilya's concept of power transcends the basic equation of power being the state's (exclusive) capacity to use force. There is a second dimension of Kauilya's concept of power, which is of particular interest for us: the saptāṅga theory. Kauilya's saptāṅga theory of (state) power refers to the seven prakr̥ ti. The term prakr̥ ti is translated by Kangle as “constituent element of the state” and as “state factor” by Meyer:

  1. 1)  svāmin: the ruler

  2. 2)  amātya: the Minister [government and administration]

  3. 3)  janapada: the people [in the countryside]

  4. 4)  durga: the fortress [capital]

  5. 5)  kośa: the treasury [economy]

  6. 6)  daṇḍa: armed might

  7. 7)  mitra: the ally [in foreign policy]

For Kauilya, the seven prakr̥ ti constitute (state) power: “The king and his rule [state], this is the sum-total of the constituents [state factors].” (VIII, 2, 1) State power is the aggregate of the seven state factors. With Kauilya's saptāṅga theory the state is no longer defined solely by its monopoly of the use of force, because there are six other 'power factors' beyond daṇḍa. How powerful a state is, is determined by the given status and the developmental trend of all the seven prakr̥ ti. This new understanding of state power is one of Kautilya's outstanding theoretical achievements.

The sequence of the seven state factors indicates the relative weight Kauilya assigns them. An incompetent ruler produces disastrous consequences for all six consecutive state factors, while a good ruler can bring them into optimal condition. “And when the king is possessed of excellences, he makes the [other six] constituents perfect with their respective excellences.” (VIII, 1, 16) The ranking of the seven prakr̥ ti is an expression of a logical and substantive hierarchy and generative principle: the state factor svāmin factor is the 'generative condition' of the state factor amātya without ruler no 'government' advising him. Ruler and 'government' constitute the institutional framework of the state territory and the people living and working therein (janapada) – “the undertakings of the fort, the treasury, the army, the water-works and the occupations for livelihood have their source in the country. And bravery, firmness, cleverness and large numbers are found among the country people.” (VIII, 1, 29-30)

The first three prakr̥ ti combined are the prerequisite for the state factor durga fortress, residence and capital city. In the capital, where the ruler resides with his government, also the state treasury (kośa) is located into which flows the tax revenue of the working population. A well-stocked treasury is the condition for financing the armed forces (as well as police and secret service) state factor daṇḍa. And the prakr̥ ti 1 to 6 are the precondition of successfully conducting foreign policy (mitra). We see that the seven prakr̥ ti are logically and practically interrelated.

Moreover, Kauilya's saptāṅga theory means that state power is no longer an abstract, relational magnitude, but an aggregate of material and immaterial variables. That

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implies that state power can be operationalized by breaking it down into its seven components. Thus, state power can, if not precisely measured, at least be adequately evaluated and estimated. That includes assessing the positive or negative developmental trends of each of the seven prakr̥ ti.

For an objective assessment of one's own prakr̥ ti, the Kauilyan state commands a comprehensive census system. The state bureaucracy collects and documents demographic, real estate, economic, fiscal and other data. Thus, the state factors janapanda, durga, kośa and daṇḍa can be estimated fairly accurately. For example janapada: how many peasants produce what agricultural output, what is their surplus product, what tax revenue do they generate. What mines do produce what output of what type of ore? Or what is output of timber, elephants or herbs from the forest land? Is the trend of these economic indicators positive or negative? Or, what is the size of the armed forces (daṇḍa), their weapons systems, equipment, logistics or combat morale? Or, evaluating the quality of the state bureaucracy (amātya): what level of training, competence, efficiency or honesty? However, Kauilya advises the ruler to use the secret service when it comes to tracing corruption, embezzlement and abuse of power within then state bureaucracy. And, Kauilyan statecraft requires that the ('absolutist') ruler must judge soberly and self-critically his own political performance in collective policy deliberation with is advisers. “Rulership can be successfully carried out only with the help of associates. One wheel alone does not turn. Therefore, he should appoint ministers and listen to their opinion ” (I, 7, 9) Kauṭilya does vehemently reject 'lonely decisions' of the ruler, who, instead, should consult with advisers and “should ascertain their different opinions along with their reasons for holding them”. (I, 15, 35)

Evaluating and estimating the prakr̥ ti of foreign states is the task of the Kauilyan (foreign) intelligence service. Spies, diplomats and intelligence informants have to collect open and secret data and information on the state factors of other states friendly, neutral or hostile. These 'raw' intelligence data then have to be analyzed and assessed by the ruler and his political advisers as to gain the knowledge base for their strategic planning.

State power as an aggregate of the seven prakr̥ ti it is not just the summation of 'material' factors, which might include: a) human resources, for example, the number of tax-paying peasants or the number of literate and trained administrative bureaucrats; b) physical resources, for example size of the grain or rice harvest or annual output of iron; c) financial resources, for example, annual tax revenue or the budget surplus/deficit. Also, non-material, mental resources are part of (aggregated) state power, ranging from the mastery of statecraft by the ruler and his close advisers to the skill and productivity of farmers in the countryside and and artisans in cities.

So Kauilya provides a substantive concept of state power, which is comprehensive as well as differentiated in itself. This is important to avoid an over-fixation and over- estimation of one or two state factors in assessing state power i.e. ignoring their quasi-genetic dependency on other state factors and fact that state power is determined by the totality of the seven prakr̥ ti. When we look at the power potential of state we may find that the military power factor of this state appears to be very strong: its armed forces are quantitatively large. But intelligence analysis may uncover that that this same state is rather weak in economic power and financial resources which translates into missing pay, low-grade equipment and insufficient supplies atrophying the army's combat power. Conversely, a territorially and demographically small state with modest armed forces might become a powerful state in a relatively short time span. That can happen if the state factors svāmin and amātya are of excellent quality, which means promoting and expanding the economy in the countryside (janapada) and in

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Michael Liebig the city (durga) thus increasing tax revenues (kośa) allowing the armed forces to be

upgraded (daṇḍa) and conducting a wise foreign policy (amātya).

Kauilya's concept of state power as the aggregate of the seven state factors is homologous with Morgenthau's concept of "national power" whose components are the geographical setting, population size, raw materials, agriculture, industrial potential and the armed forces of a state. While these are material and quantitatively measurable factors, Morgenthau also includes immaterial factors to “national power” which are “national character”, “national morality” and the “quality” of government and diplomacy. (cf. Morgenthau 1978, 107-170 ) Even if the homology between Kauilya's concept of state power as the aggregate of the seven prakr̥ti and Morgenthau's concept of “national power” is evident, Kauṭilya's saptāṅga theory was developed 2300 years prior to Morgenthau's concept a truly outstanding theoretical achievement.

SAPTĀṄGA THEORY, CORRELATION OF FORCES AND THE ṢĀḌGUYA CONCEPT CLUSTER
The saptāṅga theory is also of critical importance in operational statecraft. In foreign policy, the saptāṅga theory provides the benchmark for the assessment of one's own resources and capabilities on the one side and the capabilities of external actors on the other side. The result is an 'estimate of the situation' the bottom of which is the correlation of forces between states: “ascertaining the (relative) strength or weakness of powers”. (IX, 1, 1) The concept of correlation of forces is central in the Arthaśāstra, because Kauilya wants to eliminate non-reflective, impulsive and arbitrary action in foreign policy. Via the saptāṅga theory, Kauilya establishes a substantive and objective criteria for assessing the correlation of forces between states. And this assessment, in turn, predetermines which foreign policy course the ruler should adopt.

Kauilya offers a spectrum of six basic approaches in foreign policy the ṣāḍguya theory: “The circle of constituent elements [the seven prakr̥ ti] is the basis of the six measures of foreign policy [ṣāḍguya].” (VII, 1, 1) Depending first and foremost on the assessment of the correlation of forces (in terms of the respective prakr̥ ti), there are the following action strategies in foreign affairs:

  •   sadhi, peace > the rival state is stronger and will remain so in the foreseeable future

  •   vigraha, war > the rival state is vastly inferior in power

  •   āsana, neutrality > the correlation of forces is balanced

  •   yāna, war preparation, coercive diplomacy > one's own power is rising vis-à-

    vis the rival state

  •   saṃśraya, alliance building > the rival state's power is rising faster than one's

    own

  •   dvaidhībhāva, diplomatic double game > the constellation among rivals and

    allies is very fluid

    Kauilya insists there are these six no more and no less action strategies in foreign policy “These are really six measures, because of differences in the situation, say Kauṭilya.” (VII, 1, 5) What is of critical importance with respect to the ṣāḍguya theory is its intrinsic connectivity with the saptāṅga theory.

  •   the saptāṅga theory provides the benchmark for the correlation of forces between rival states.

  •   the correlation of forces (in terms of the seven prakr̥ ti) preselects, if not

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determines which of the six action strategies (ṣāḍguya) is to be chosen

“Situated within the circle of [the seven] constituent elements, he [the ruler] should, in this manner, with these six methods of [foreign] policy, seek to progress from decline to stable condition and from stable condition to advancement in his own undertakings.” (VII, 1, 38) And: “He who sees the six measures of policy as being interdependent in this manner, plays, as he pleases, with the [rival] kings tied by the chains of his intellect. (VII, 18, 44)

KAUILYAN RAISON D'ÉTAT: THE OPTIMIZATION OF THE SEVEN

PRAKR̥ TI

The saptāṅga theory also provides the key for the idea of raison d'état in the Arthaśāstra. As mentioned above, Kauilya does not uses the term literally, but the idea of raison d'état pervades the entire Arthaśāstra if we define it as "the unconditional imperative of the state's self-preservation"(Münkler 1987, 49; translation M.L). 15 Kauilya's most explicit dictum with respect to the idea of raison d'état is: 'The source of the livelihood of men is wealth, in other words, the earth inhibited by men. The science which is [explicating] the means of the attainment and protection of that earth is the Science of Politics.” (XV, 1, 1-2) This understanding of raison d'état corresponds to Giovanni Botero's 1589 definition of ragion di stato as "the knowledge of the means and measures that are necessary to establish, preserve and enlarge a state." (Botero, Della Ragion di Stato, quoted in: Münkler 1987, 169; transl. ML) However, both Munkler's and Botero's definitions of raison d'état remain abstract as we are not told what the “means and measures” actually are that “establish, preserve and enlarge a state.” Even Friedrich Meinecke, who has systematically analyzed the historical and intellectual genesis of the category raison d'état or staatsraison, deals with it as an abstract principle:

Staatsraison is the maxim of state action, the state's law of motion. Staatsraison tells the statesman what he has to do in order to keep the state in a condition of health and power [...] The well-being of the state and the people enclosed in it are the value and goal [of staatsraison], power, securing and expanding power, are the means to that end.” (Meinecke 1963/1924, 1 and 3; transl. M.L)

In contrast, Kauilya's much earlier idea of raison d'état transcends the abstract principle of state preservation. Kauilya does indeed 'tell the statesman' what he needs to do in order to 'keep the state in a condition of health and power'. It is once again the saptāṅga theory which gives the idea of raison d'état a substantive content. Kauilya 'operationalizes' the abstract notion of (state) power via de-aggregation into the seven state factors and then arrives back at a well-defined and substantive notion of (state) power via aggregating the seven prakr̥ ti. Each of them is thoroughly analyzed in the Arthaśāstra, but Kauilya is not only interested in the given state of the seven prakr̥ ti. Much more he is interested in the state factors' trend of development and their potential for change positively or negatively. The status of the prakr̥ ti is fluid: they can grow and improve or they can deteriorate. A state's power potential might stagnate for a while, but sooner than later it will either increase or shrink.

The developmental trend of the prakr̥ ti and this is the crucial point for Kauilya is not beyond human control. The directionality of six resp. five state factors can be determined or at least be influenced by the ruler and the state administration. Kauilya's

15As mentioned earlier, the idea of raison d'état permeates Machiavelli's works, but – as in the case of Kauṭilya some 1800 years earlier – the notion of raison d'état is not explicitly articulated by him.

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central focus is to link the prakr̥ ti with agency. The prakr̥ ti have a potential that is open to political 'voluntarism'. Therefore:

  •   The ruler should provide the best possible political leadership.

  •   The 'government' should give the best possible advice to the ruler and excel

    in the political-administrative implementation of state policies.

  •   The people in the countryside are to engage in farming as to generate the largest possible agricultural surplus product and corresponding tax revenue as

    well as expanding the area under cultivation.

  •   In the capital, artisans are to be as skilled and productive as possible, traders

    (and the 'service sector') should have strong sales and pay high taxes

    correspondingly and the city's fortifications should be impregnable.

  •   The surplus of government revenues over expenditures should be as large as

    possible, so that the state treasure might be well-endowed

  •   The military should have the best training, weapons and supplies i.e. superb

    combat power.

  •   As for the exogenous factor mitra, the allied state's prakr̥ ti should be exploited

to the maximum extent to one's own benefit.

Keeping the state in a condition of health and growing power means the expansion and improvement of the seven prakr̥ ti. Thus, the optimization of the seven state factors is raison d'état. With an unambiguous emphasis on agency, Kauilya postulates:

“A king endowed with personal qualities endows with excellences the constituent elements [prakr̥ ti] not so endowed. One not endowed with personal qualities destroys the constituent elements that are prosperous and devoted to him. Then that (king) not endowed with personal qualities, with defective constituent elements, is either killed by the subjects or subjugated by the enemies, even if he be the ruler up to the four ends of the earth. But one, possessed of personal qualities, though ruling over a small territory, being united with the excellences of the constituent elements, and conversant with (the science) of politics, does conquer the entire earth, never loses.” (VI, 1, 16- 18)

Political action in the sense of Kauilyan raison d'état means optimizing the prakr̥ ti and thus upgrading the power of the state and the welfare of the people. Raison d'état in terms of the saptāṅga theory provides an operational and substantive concept on which statecraft can be based upon. Kauilyan raison d'état demands of the ruler to remedy deficits and defects of the state factors and their continuous upgrading. Or, to put it in modern IR terminology, 'internal balancing' has priority before 'external balancing' because it is the immediate and direct way of making and keeping the state healthy and powerful. Kauilya advises the ruler: first bring own house in order and only thereafter think about the role other actors might play in your political schemes. (cf. VII, 6, 12)

But Kauilyan raison d'état in terms of the saptāṅga theory applies equally for mitra or external balancing. Foreign policy in accordance with Kauilyan raison d'état means the 'indirect' optimization of one's own prakr̥ ti by exploiting for a time the state factors of an allied state to one's own benefit either by providing protection against a third state of superior power or helping to conquer a third state of inferior power. In first case, one's own state factors are being kept intact or can be improved behind the 'shield' (of prakr̥ ti) made available by the allied state. In the latter case, the ally is helping in the conquest of a third state which means the 'incorporation' of that state's prakr̥ ti into one's own i.e. the optimization of the own state factors by enlarging them with those of the conquered state.

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“On thus perceiving the presence of excellence in a gain or a portion of a gain, which is definite, he should march after making pacts with confederates, being intent on achieving [only] his own object.” (VII, 9, 53)

Kauilyan raison d'état can be operationalized into concrete policies for optimal 'internal balancing'. Based on a thorough assessment of the situation in term of the status and developmental trend of one own's prakr̥ ti and those of allied, neutral and enemy states, concrete policy decisions can (and have to) be made as to which of the prakr̥ ti most urgently need to be upgraded quantitatively and/or qualitatively. The order of priority and the ways of implementation with respect to the optimization of the state factors is a matter of the political skill of the ruler and the specific, tactical situation. But for all these contingent political considerations and resulting policy measures, there is a substantive benchmark: raison d'état in terms of the optimization of the state's prakr̥ ti – quite the opposite of ‘Asiatic’ inertia and stasis.

Throughout the Arthaśāstra, Kauilya tells us that there is no standstill in the political world. Change is what is constant in politics. States always go into a certain direction: “decline, stability and advancement” (VI, 2,4) States may stagnate, but it won't take long before decline or ascend becomes discernible. There are no permanent friends, foes or neutrals. Interstate relations are fluid: today's friend is tomorrow's enemy and vice versa. Kauilya insists that the ruler must know about the changes in the political situation, preferably before they have fully manifested themselves. “He, who is well versed in the science of politics, should employ all the means, viz. advancement, decline and stable condition as well as weakening and extermination.” (VII, 18, 43)

KAUILYAN RAISON D'ÉTAT AS THE POLITY'S 'BASIC NORM'

Kauilyan raison d'état seems to be situated outside the realm of normativity. Securing and expanding the power of the state via the optimization of the seven state factors appears to be undiluted purposive rationality 'pure power politics'. In contrast, the normative sphere of Kauilyan statecraft appears to be summed up in an ethical dictum that seems far distant to and incompatible with 'power politics':

“In the happiness of the subjects lies the happiness of the king and in what is beneficial to the subjects his own benefit. What is dear to himself is not beneficial to the king, but what is dear to the subjects is beneficial (to him).” (I, 19, 34)

This normative dictum should not been seen declaratory. But, if Kauilya is serious about it, how can it coexist with Kauilyan raison d'état in the sense of securing and expanding the power of the state? Kauilya is unambiguous that policies dictated by raison d'état do involve wars (of aggression), extrajudicial killings, deception, lies and breach of treaty. Such unethical behavior features prominently in the upāyas and the ṣāḍguya. And such state policies, which differ radically from generally accepted ethical norms, are hardly compatible with the happiness of the people. The basic canon of morality, as defined by Kauṭilya, is: “abstaining from injury (to living creatures), truthfulness, uprightness, freedom from malice, compassionateness and forbearance.” (I, 3, 13) However, for Kauilya, even highly 'unethical' state action, if guided by raison d'état, has not only a normative eigenvalue, but serves the people. For him, strengthening state capacity is the conditio sine qua non for the happiness of the people.

Kauilya takes a position which denies that there is a dichotomy between purposive rationality and normativity if one accepts his understanding of raison d'état. Indeed, when looking at the premise of the Kauilyan state preventing the relapse into

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matsya-nyāya the question arises whether this premise is purposive-rational or normative in character? Or, is it both? Indeed, for Kauilya, maintaining and strengthening the power of the state and ensuring the happiness of the people are two sides of the same coin. For him, both are political necessities (in the sense of purposive rationality) and both have a political-normative dimension. Albeit in a paradoxical fashion, the previously mentioned central dictum of the Arthaśāstra expresses the dual character (political rationality and normativity) of Kauṭilyan raison d'état: “'Material well-being [artha] alone is supreme,' says Kauilya. For spiritual good [dharma, ethics] and sensual pleasures [kāma] depend on material well-being.” (I, 7, 6-7) In other words, without exercising political power and pursuing material wealth, there won't be morality in the political sphere. For Kauilya, there is no 'stand-alone' morality in politics separated from power and wealth. Instead, in the political sphere, power and wealth on the one side and ethics on the other side are dialectically interrelated.

The optimization of the seven prakr̥ ti originates from the purposive-rational political calculation of maintaining and expanding power of the state. At the same time, the power of the state is the prerequisite for meeting the normative requirement to ensure the happiness and welfare of the people. Without the optimization of the prakr̥ ti driven by purposive political rationality the people would sink into poverty and matsya-nyāya would loom the very opposite of the happiness of people. The paramount duty of the ruler (or the state), to strive for the happiness of the people and to prevent matsya-nyāna, has an intrinsic normative character resp. eigenvalue. At the same time, this political-ethical obligation of the ruler is an expression of purposive political rationality: growing state power by optimizing the prakr̥ ti notably with respect to the economy will also make the people materially saturated and politically content which guarantees of the stability and power of the state. Materially saturated and 'happy' people will keep quiet and gratefully accept the ruler and his government as legitimate. They welcome a powerful state which is capable of preventing matsya- nyāya both domestically and with respect to foreign powers.

In the paragraph “Causes Leading to Decline, Greed and Disaffection among the Subjects,” Kauṭilya gives an detailed account of 'bad governance' like “discarding the good and favouring the wicked”, “starting unrighteous injuries”, “doing acts that should not be done” or the “destruction of well-being [artha]”. (VII, 5, 19-16) Such political practices, if they occur outside the constraints of raison d'état, are evil in normative terms. But engaging in them, is equally counterproductive, if not self- destructive in political terms. In other words: he who submits to 'normal' evil in politics, is acting no only immorally, but commits the supreme crime of political life: stupidity. Outside the narrow path of raison d'état, immorality in politics is plain stupid. The following citation demonstrates the dialectical entanglement of purposive political rationality and normativity that characterizes the Arthaśāstra:

“Subjects, when impoverished, become greedy; when greedy they become disaffected; when disaffected they either go over to the enemy or themselves kill the master. Therefore, he [the ruler] should not allow these causes of decline, greed and disaffection among the subjects to arise, or, if arisen, should immediately counter-act them.” (VII, 5, 27-28)

In Kauilya's dialectical entanglement of purposive political rationality and normativity lies a significant difference to Meinecke in spite of the homology between the Kauilyan idea of raison d'état and Meinecke's. Let's recount that both for Meinecke and Kauilya, raison d'état has a normative and a purposive-rational dimension: “The well-being of the state and the people enclosed in it are the value and goal [of raison d'état], power, securing and expanding power are the means to that

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end.” (Meinecke 1963/1924, 3; transl. ML) But while Kauilya sees a symbiosis of political normativity and rationality, Meinecke sees an unbridgeable rift. Raison d'état as political action for the purpose of maintaining and expanding the power of the state creates for Meinecke a irresolvable normative dilemma. If the state acts with political purposive-rationality in line with raison d'état, it will inevitable commit “sins” of the most severe kind. Not so for Kauilya: when political action derived from raison d'état collides with the above mentioned canon of basic ethical values, he knows no hesitation: what raison d'état demands to be done, must be done. There might be regrettable, tragic consequences when acting in accordance with raison d'état, but such action cannot become an ethical dilemma. In Book I, chapters 17 and 18, Kauilya deals with the legitimate and politically competent crown prince repudiated by the king-father. If the alternate successor chosen by the king is also competent in statecraft, Kauilya says, the legitimate prince must accept his fate and retire to a life in seclusion. However, in case designated successor is politically incompetent, the crown prince should overthrow his father and kill him along with the chosen successor because they are a threat to health and power of the state. So, Kauilya is not masking out the tragic dimension of raison d'état, but long as the state leader adheres to it, his action cannot be 'sinful' or 'unethical'.

Through the symbiosis of political normativity and rationality, raison d'état constitutes a 'basic norm' of higher 'cardinality' in the sphere of statecraft. Raison d'état as 'basic norm' supersedes and overrides the 'regular' ethical canon. Those who accuse Kauilya of sacrificing morality at the altar of raison d'état, ought to keep in mind that is was Plato in the Politea, who like Kauilya distinguished between ethics in general and the political ethics of statecraft. Plato's political ethics include, for example, the state's right to use 'noble lies' in politics thus violating the supreme principle of Platonic ethics: truth. Or, another example, the Platonic state is given the right to pursue policies of eugenics including infanticide. (cf. Hillebrandt 1923, 36 and 155)

There is, however, a third normative dimension to Kauilyan raison d'état in addition to the fusion of maintaining and expanding the power of state and the welfare of the people. This third normative dimension covers the sphere of foreign policy. As indicated above, the optimization of the prakr̥ ti with respect to Kauilyan foreign policy means that the prakr̥ ti of other states get 'incorporated' into one's own by conquering these states or turning them into vassals. Does this kind of (exogenous) enlarging and upgrading of one's own state factors mean a policy of unrestrained military conquest and imperialist expansion? The answer is a qualified No.

Kauilyan raison d'état in interstate affairs i.e. the optimization of one's own prakr̥ ti by capturing the exogenous prakr̥ ti of conquered/vassal states draws a clear (geo- cultural) line of demarcation. Within the geo-cultural space of the Indian subcontinent, Kauilyan raison d'état means revisionism: all state factors (of the various political entities on the subcontinent) are to be aggregated into the formation of one pan-Indian state entity. For Kauilya, the 'strategic' aim of politically unifying the Indian subcontinent gains a normative quality and thus becomes a central feature of raison d'état.16 The “six methods of foreign policy” (ṣāḍguya) in the service of raison d'état are explicitly meant to facilitate the political unification of the Indian subcontinent preferably by the five non-violent methods. But if that were not possible, war is ultima ratio. Within the geo-cultural space of the Indian subcontinent, Kauilyan foreign policy is revisionist and expansionist.

16Here lies, again, a similarity between Kauṭilya and Machiavelli whose strategic (and 'normative') goal was the political (re-)unification of Italy and its liberation from Spanish, French and German domination (cf. Drekmeier 1962, Meinecke 1963, Hale 1972)

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However, the strategic and normative goal of politically unifying the Indian subcontinent as part of Kauilyan raison d'état has yet another normative dimension: what is valid within, is not valid beyond the Indian subcontinent. Revisionism and expansionism are completely absent in Kauilyan foreign policy with respect to the states located outside the Indian subcontinent. In the Arthaśāstra, there is not the slightest hint pointing in the direction of imperial proclivities beyond the Indian geo- cultural space. Kauilya's normatively charged determination for the political unification of the subcontinent 'stops' in the Himalayas and in Afghanistan. There is no desire for imperial expansion towards the Graeco-Persian Empire, Central Asia, Indochina, China or the Indo-Pacific islands. Within the (unified) subcontinent, the optimization/aggregation of the totality of prakr̥ ti is Kauilyan raison d'état, but the very same raison d'état becomes a normative 'barrier' when it comes to politico- military expansion beyond the subcontinent. Beyond India, Kauilyan raison d'état demands a foreign policy of 'balance of power' with other states.

THE KAUṬILĪYA ARTHAŚĀSTRA: POLITICAL SCIENCE AND STATECRAFT

According to B.H. Liddell Hart, grand strategy can be understood as a 'holistic' alignment of strategic thinking on the overall constellation of the political, social, moral, economic, military and cultural resources available to a state. (Liddell Hart 1967, 322) Grand strategy means that strategic thinking and action is aimed to bring about a context-adequate mix of all state resources for the realization of state interests and goals. (cf. Kovac/Marcek, 2013) This concept of grand strategy is homologous to Kauilya's synoptic idea of statecraft and his comprehensive understanding of political science which, as evidenced in the Arthaśāstra, covers state, governance, economy, law, foreign policy/diplomacy, military affairs and intelligence. Consequently, the Arthaśāstra is about synthesizing military, diplomatic, legal, governance or economic strategies into into grand strategy in accordance with raison d'état. (cf. Bozeman 1992)

What we see here, is the “modernity of tradition” (Rudolph & Rudolph 1968) – as represented by ancient Indian political thought which is (uniquely) articulated by Kauilya in the Arthaśāstra. He lays out conceptual building blocks of timeless relevance for political science and grand strategy. The Indian tradition of the intellectual “re-use of the past” (Mitra 2012) for current political challenges is both undertheorized and underutilized in (modern) political science. Thus, the intellectual vibrancy of this classical text of political theory and statecraft should induce us to engage with the Arthaśāstra's core ideas productively, albeit critically:

  •   with the saptāṅga theory the power of the state gets a substantive content: the aggregate of the seven prakr̥ ti.

  •   the optimization of the seven state factors constitutes Kauilyan raison d'état which facilitates not only the strengthening of the power of the state, but also the welfare of the people therefore gaining the character of a 'basic norm'

  •   the third normative dimension of Kauilyan raison d'état is the determined thrust towards 'regional' political unification, however coupled with the 'normative barrier' against exogenous imperial-expansionist designs

  •   the ṣāḍguya theory based upon the concept of the correlation of forces in terms of the saptāṅga theory defines a spectrum of foreign policy strategies for enforcing state interests and goals in the sense of grand strategy.

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Kauilya's ideas and concepts in the Arthaśāstra represent an untapped reservoir of ideas and concepts that can be used to tackle political science puzzles. That goes both for the history of political thought and for theory building with respect to current questions and puzzles of political science, including International Relations theory. The portfolio of such research questions could include: factors constituting state capacity, the dialectics of economy and security, strategic autonomy and nonalignment, 'the non-imperial great power', the concept of multipolarity, or research issues with respect to 'neoclassical realism' in IR theory and theoretical questions in the field of Intelligence Studies, notably with respect to intelligence analysis, assessment and estimates. The analysis and explication of the central ideas and concepts of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra with the help of 'covariant' or structurally homologous categories of political science should be a long overdue contribution to introducing a 'de-orientalized' Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra in the political science discourse internationally.